When the word "find" is used in a legal sense, a fact has been established. There are lots of facts in the Mueller report and the word "find" is not used with most of them. But report did use the word "find" a few times, as follows. Usually these are in the negative sense, i.e. "did not find". (I am omitting occurrences of the regular meaning of "find", as in "find the missing emails" or "find out".)
The investigation did not find evidence of earlier
GRU attempts to compromise accounts hosted on this domain.
During the same interview, Corsi also suggested that he may have sent out public tweets because he knew Assange was reading his tweets. Our Office was unable to find evidence of any such tweets.
The investigation did
not find evidence that the Trump Campaign recovered any such Clinton emails, or that these
contacts were part of a coordinated effort between Russia and the Trump Campaign.
The investigation did not find
evidence that Clovis responded to Klein's email or that any further contacts of significance came out of
Klein's subsequent meeting with Greenblatt and Rabbi Lazar at Trump Tower.
Following the June 9 meeting, Trump changed the subject of his planned
speech to national security. But the Office did not find evidence that the original idea for the speech was
connected to the anticipated June 9 meeting or that the change of topic was attributable to the failure of that
meeting to produce concrete evidence about Clinton.
In particular, the Office did not find evidence likely to prove
beyond a reasonable doubt that Campaign officials such as Paul Manafort, George Papadopoulos,
and Carter Page acted as agents of the Russian government-or at its direction control, or
request-during the relevant time period.
On four occasions, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) issued warrants based
on a finding of probable cause to believe that Page was an agent of a foreign power. The FISC's probable-cause finding was based on a different (and lower) standard than the
one governing the Office's decision whether to bring charges against Page, which is whether admissible
evidence would likely be sufficient to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Page acted as an agent of the
Russian Federation during the period at issue.
The Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) has issued an opinion finding that "the indictment
or criminal prosecution of a sitting President would impermissibly undermine the capacity of the
executive branch to perform its constitutionally assigned functions" in violation of "the
constitutional separation of powers."
Although a prosecutor's internal report would not represent a formal public accusation
akin to an indictment, the possibility of the report's public disclosure and the absence of a neutral
adjudicatory forum to review its findings counseled against potentially determining "that the
person's conduct constitutes a federal offense.
Even if the removal
of the lead prosecutor would not prevent the investigation from continuing under a new appointee,
a factfinder would need to consider whether the act had the potential to delay further action in the
investigation, chill the actions of any replacement Special Counsel, or otherwise impede the
investigation.
By publicly stating on the second
day of deliberations that Manafort "happens to be a very good person" and that "it's very sad what
they've done to Paul Manafort" right after calling the Special Counsel's investigation a "rigged
witch hunt," the President's statements could, if they reached jurors, have the natural tendency to
engender sympathy for Manafort among jurors, and a factfinder could infer that the President
intended that result.
We did not find counsel's contention,
however, to accord with our reading of the Supreme Court authority addressing separation-of-powers issues .
OLC
recognized that "[t]he balancing analysis" it had initially relied on in finding that a sitting President is
immune from prosecution had "been adopted as the appropriate mode of analysis by the Court."
That is 13 occurrences. I would have expected many more.
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